Notes from my podcast

Mooney on Politics Podcast – script notes for No Security Solutions to Political Problems episode – April 12

This morning, the Sunday Independent ran a poll asking about support for the protesters and put it at around 58%, and support for the government at 38%. It asked who is blamed most for the problem and it seems the government is definitely in a clear first spot. When it asked what the solution was, it seemed to be that the government must climb down.

What struck me about that poll is it very much mirrors the government satisfaction/dissatisfaction rating at the moment: 60% of people are dissatisfied with the government, 30% satisfied; 60% of people support the protesters, 38% support the government. The figures are within the margin. So it tells you that, as unpopular as the protest is – and I genuinely do believe the protest is unpopular – people do see that maybe the protesters, not so much have a case, but they can understand why the protesters are doing it.

They:

  • Don’t like the tactics

  • Don’t like how it’s been carried out

  • Don’t like Dublin being closed off

  • Don’t like the targeting of other citizens

  • Don’t like the ignoring of the Gardaí

I think the Gardaí will emerge enhanced by this whole situation.

But all of this comes down to an old political truism, and I think it’s a kind of an Irish political truism, and it’s certainly one that we talked about a lot in terms of the Good Friday Agreement and the process around that. And it’s this: there are no security solutions to political problems.

While the closing off of Whitegate Refinery and the closing off of O’Connell Street were both security issues – and indeed the closing off or blocking of any major roadway, be it the M50, the N11, the N7, be it Foynes, Galway, wherever – they are security issues. But at the back of this was a political problem. And the political problem was the perception by rural communities that they were being excluded from a package of measures.

How do I know this is the case? It’s because several Fianna Fáil TDs were pointing this out for almost a month, indeed if not longer. I would point you in particular to the letter written to the Taoiseach and Tánaiste, the Minister for Energy and the Minister for Agriculture, by the former town councillor Seán O’Fearghail. As far as I’m aware, Seán sent the letter on the 26th of March.

The letter set out, and the letter asked, why was the agri sector specifically being excluded from the package of measures? Now, I know the government will say that they weren’t being specifically excluded, but Seán was making the case that they were being excluded, and there was a perception among the agricultural community, and certainly in the rural community and the economy that supports rural Irish communities, that they were not being included in the package of measures, that this was benefiting other people.

There’s a recognition that the oil price is outside of the government’s control. There’s a recognition that this is a global situation. What’s happening in Iran is not something that’s in the government’s control by any stretch of the imagination. But as an open economy, what happens in the world hits us harder. If the government was announcing a package of 250 million for measures to alleviate the results of this and appeared to be leaving out a certain sector, that was the point that Seán was making. He had flagged it up to the government.

The government’s response in the intervening three weeks was to “monitor the situation”. What happened last Tuesday is that the protests took over, and they have now heightened it on to the political agenda.

While the government was right to have security measures, and the government was right to say, “look, we’re this far and no further”, the government was right to say:

  • You cannot close off the rest of the country

  • You cannot stop oil supplies coming in

  • You cannot stop petrol forecourts being restocked and refuelled

Equally, the government should say: listen, we see that you have a problem and we need to address it.

What happened was we saw the security element of the solution, but we did not see the political element of it. The political element was one that was trying to catch up with things that they were warned about three weeks ago.

So the bottom line in my take on the protests – and I don’t support the protests – is that I think the protesters were ill-advised, ill-judged. I think the vast majority of the people on the protest are good people who genuinely do feel at the pin of the collar, do feel frustration and do feel angry with the system.

I think there is a small element – certainly the online element – that is very, very dubious, very suspect. One of the reasons I know that is that, having got into a row with a few of them last Monday into Tuesday morning, suddenly I found that my Twitter account was hijacked and gone and wiped, and I didn’t get it back until well into Wednesday. I’m not blaming anyone in particular for that, certainly not, and I don’t think there was anyone on this island who was responsible for that. But there are clearly other actors at play here and we’d be naive to believe otherwise.

But that is not an excuse for not addressing an issue that was flagged weeks, if not months, ago by a succession of Fianna Fáil backbench TDs and Fine Gael TDs as well. I just happen to be more aware of what the Fianna Fáil ones are doing.

I think that points to a major problem within the government. It points to something we’ve been saying for a long time: that this government is politically out of touch, it is politically distant. There is some excuse on the Fine Gael side because they’ve been in government since 2011 and are now well within the bubble. For Fianna Fáil and for the Fianna Fáil leadership, there is no excuse.

By the way, I’m not ring-fencing this just to the Taoiseach or to the Tánaiste or to the Minister for Finance or the Minister for Public Expenditure or the Minister for Energy. I think this applies to everyone around the Cabinet table and at the junior ministerial rank as well.

So that’s where I think we stand at the moment. I’ll come back to this in a few days’ time because I think the political fallout will be considerable. I think the government’s popularity can only go one way at the moment, and that’s downwards. Although the Gardaí have effectively dealt with this, I don’t think the government can claim credit for that, and I don’t think the government will get bonus points for that.

I think we are in a very febrile political atmosphere, and I’m not too sure that this government could withstand too many more political crises or shocks like this. Unfortunately, given what’s happening in Iran, given what’s happening in the world, given that we’re possibly facing into a deep recession, a global recession that will hurt us, does the government have the bandwidth to deal with it? Indeed, does the government, at the best of times, have the bandwidth? I think that’s a major question to ask.

Here is some of the text from that letter sent by Deputy Sean O Fearghail in March, 2026:

I write to acknowledge the Government’s initiative in providing the recently announced energy supports. While not everybody who will benefit are content with the levels of support being given, it’s fair to say that the Government has demonstrated prudence and a clear willingness to revisit the situation if the Iranian crisis worsens or becomes even more protracted.

The failure however, to meaningfully address the massive increase in the cost of Agri-Diesel is a serious mistake, and needs to be rectified immediately: otherwise, the increased costs will have a seriously negative and damaging impact on our vital Agri sector.

This omission, coming as it does in the aftermath of the Bord Bia controversy where many farmers throughout the Country were worked into a state of incandescent rage, serves only to now further infuriate an already deeply unhappy sector of our economy.

As stated, in my opinion, the omission of significant Agri supports is unwise and unfair.

The failure to act will also have major political ramifications. The antipathy amongst farmers directed towards Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael is unlike anything I have ever witnessed in the past, and if not addressed immediately, will do lasting and perhaps irreparable damage to previously good relations.

Why eat your words when you can delete them?

It is a few weeks since I updated this page to include my most recent blogs. This one first appeared on Broadsheet on March 14th and looks at Sinn Féin’s recent industrial strength spring clean of its online archive of statements 

“Lord, give us the wisdom to utter words that are gentle and tender, for tomorrow we may have to eat them.”

This guidance for politicians comes from the late Mo Udall, a long serving Democratic Congressman from Arizona.

It’s an approach you would hope members of today’s Oireachtas, from all sides, might heed – but as we see during the daily set pieces of Leaders’ Questions and the Order of Business, they don’t.

Instead, rather than acknowledging that they might have been wrong and correcting the situation, they double down and insist that they didn’t say what we think they said. We get obduracy and petulance in place of debate and discussion. In the more extreme cases we get some parties going the whole hog and deleting almost anything and everything they have ever said. Continue reading “Why eat your words when you can delete them?”

Challenging the pro #Trump #Fakenews

During RTÉ Radio One’s Late Debate show coverage of the US election results, I challenged #Trump supporter and American Greatness editor Chris Buskirk on his bizarre assertion that the violence we have seen on US streets over recent months has been caused by anti-Trump groups alone. His claim that shops and offices in Washington, New York and other big cities were being boarded up beacuse they feared violence by anti-Trump protesters has been proved untrue in recent days with the arrest of several armed pro-Trump supporters at various count centers – AP News.

Pic via Arjen van der Horst on Twitter, taken in Washington DC 5 days before polling day:

It’s as if someone didn’t want the era of #FakeNews to end

In my latest Broadsheet.ie column I look at the recent I look at the spate of misinformation on Óglaigh na hÉireann / Irish Defence Forces mobilisation etc and ask if these are all just sick pranks or is there something more sinister happening? Politico ran a piece on this global phenomenon a few days laters. 

I also look briefly at the current political situation and suggest a straight-forward alternative to setting up a national unity government (though this is still my preferred option). In essence it involves formalising what is already happening by giving the other party and Dáil group leaders a formal role in the oversight of Irish govt’s #CoronaVirus response.

fake newsVeteran vaudevillian comedian George Burns used to ask: “why is it the guys who really know how to run the country are cutting hair and driving cabs”?

Whether you call them hurlers on the ditch, Monday quarter-backs or that prick at the end of the bar-counter, there have always been (and will always be) those bolshie, mouthy gits who, in the words of the great Brendan Behan, go about like eunuchs in a harem seeing others doing but knowing they can’t do it themselves.

Most are irritating but essentially harmless nuisances, even the ones who manage to discover how to use social media.

But there are others. Those who go that bit further. Those whose malicious intent is less easy to spot in an online era of nonchalant cynicism and aloof detachment.

Continue reading “It’s as if someone didn’t want the era of #FakeNews to end”

Digital campaign wars and warm lettuce

This column first appeared on Broadsheet on Nov 4th, 2019 and looked at the weekend Fine Gael digital attack on Fianna Fáil which backfired badly and ended weak.

JOC Tweet

Being active on social media is not the same as being good at it. This is something Fine Gael learned yesterday morning.

At 9am it launched a digital attack claiming Fianna Fáil is not producing policies. Pretty basic stuff from a party in government, you’d have thought. Hard to screw that up. Attack the main opposition party for not doing enough. Claim they are just criticising you, trying to score points and acting like an… well… an opposition.

To be fair, Fine Gael got most of the basics right. They produced a decent digital video, loaded with graphics and charts and pumped it out across social media platforms. They backed it up with a press release in the name of Colm Brophy TD, hoping that the following day’s print media would pick up on it.

So far, so meh… yet, within barely an hour their digital campaign was not just misfiring, it was backfiring and going down in flames.

Continue reading “Digital campaign wars and warm lettuce”

Sinn Féin Off Target on the #Border

This column first appeared on broadsheet.ie Feb 26th, 2019

D0GV-zPWsAAldNDThere was a time when Sinn Féin was the master of targeting. It used to know to aim its attacks and not to waste its time or resources.

But not anymore. Maybe it’s the loss of the old big beasts or the ascent of a new middling style of leadership, but whatever the cause, it is increasingly clear that it has lost its ability to target.

We saw it last year with the misguided and misfiring presidential campaign. We saw it last week with its no confidence motion in Simon Harris. While it was supposedly aimed at the floundering health minister, most Sinn Féin speakers had Fianna Fáil in their sights.

They were not the only ones. Minister of State, Jim Daly… no, me neither… bizarrely concluded that the best way of defending Harris against Sinn Féin criticism was not to launch himself at the provos but rather to join them in lambasting Fianna Fáil.

If Sinn Féin wanted to get rid of Harris and cause an election, they would have gone after the independent TDs whose Tá votes are keeping the Taoiseach and his ministers in office. But they didn’t.

This Sinn Féin propensity to miss the target was on display last weekend when it went into an online meltdown over SDLP leader, Colum Eastwood telling the Fianna Fáil Árd Fheis, referencing Donald Tusk’s recent comments,  that there would be a special place in hell for those who call for a border poll in Ireland with no plan on how to deliver it.

No sooner had the applause for Eastwood died down than the online warriors were tetchily pounding their keyboards slamming Eastwood, the SDLP and its partners in Fianna Fáil.

Continue reading “Sinn Féin Off Target on the #Border”

My Summer 2018 @broadsheet_ie political reading list

This is my Broadsheet.ie 2018 Summer Political Reading List

books1

If you are thinking of taking a few political books away with you as you wind down in August, then the list below may be of help.

As with last year’s list, the books here appear in no particular order. These are the books that caught my attention over the past few months, including some from the second half of 2017 and one that I wanted to like, but couldn’t.

As this list broadly reflects my personal biases, feel free to offer your own suggestions in the comments section below. Enjoy the Summer and see you back here towards the end of August.

Beyond The Border, The Good Friday Agreement And Irish Unity After Brexit by Richard Humphreys

A timely read, this book by High Court judge and former Irish Labour Party Sp/Ad, Richard Humphreys examines how the structures and principles that underpin the 1998 Good Friday Agreement could work in a post Brexit, United Ireland.

Continue reading “My Summer 2018 @broadsheet_ie political reading list”

Real audience for Varadkar’s @UN Security Council bid not in NYC, it’s here

In this Broadsheet.ie column I welcome the Irish government’s campaign to win a seat on the UN Security Council, but wonder just who precisely was the target of the high profile launch in NYC…? 

unseat

Last week the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister of State for Defence and the Minister of State for the Diaspora went on manoeuvres in New York.

While their jaunt was ostensibly to “launch” Ireland’s bid for a seat on the UN Security Council, their real purpose was more domestic.

It was an impressive display.

In addition to these four government members, curiously all of them from Fine Gael, were a former Irish President, the Defence Forces’ Chief of Staff, Bono, U2, a contingent of uniformed Defence Force members and an even bigger contingent of Irish political correspondents.

If UN Security Council (UNSC) seats are allocated on the basis of display, then Ireland should be a shoo-in.

But, UNSC seats are not won by those who just put on the best display.

They are won by years of horse trading and deal making.

Continue reading “Real audience for Varadkar’s @UN Security Council bid not in NYC, it’s here”

Lights, Camera, Inaction – @finegael is a production company, not a government

This Broadsheet.ie column appeared online on June 19, 2018

20180615_103600600_iOSAs part of the hoopla to mark Leo Varadkar’s first year as Taoiseach, Fine Gael produced a nifty infographic setting out some of the new leader’s biggest achievements.

The list offers an interesting insight into what the Taoiseach cares most about or, to be more accurate, what the Fine Gael pollsters tell him that his potential voters care most about.

Pride of place goes to the very frequently hyped national framework plan, Project Ireland 2040, followed by “Brexit Leadership” and the “8th Referendum”.

At the other end you find “and gardai” shoehorned into a claim about hiring more nurses and teachers, followed by curiously worded item on housing, though the word itself fails to make an appearance.

To avoid embarrassing Leo by putting a figure on the number of houses and apartments built over the past year, the copywriters had to come up with some phrasing that managed to convey the idea of progress, without breaching the standards in advertising code. The result is this extraordinarily clunky and impersonal boast that: “There were 4,700 exits from homelessness in 2017”.

“Exits”?

If ever a single phrase summed up Orwell’s description of political language “… as giving an appearance of solidity to pure wind”, it is surely this.

It reads as if it came from the pen of someone who writes real estate ads. You know the ones, where “open plan apartment” means the bed is between the cooker and the lavatory and “close to nightlife” means the place is directly over an all-night, bikers’ bar.

Continue reading “Lights, Camera, Inaction – @finegael is a production company, not a government”

#2017 and @campaignforleo: not so much a brand new story – more the story of a New Brand

This is my first Broadsheet column of 2018 – looking how Fine Gael and Leo Varadkar are more concerned with selling their story of governing than the actual business of government

One of the nicest things about the run up to Christmas are those chance encounters with former colleagues and old acquaintances as you frantically rush around town looking for those presents you claimed you ordered online six weeks earlier.

I had a few of those, but two may be of interest to you. Both involved high level civil servants, from different departments, who I knew from my time in government. After catching up with each on the whereabouts of mutual friends, we got to talking politics.

Both reported that there was virtually no real policy work going on within government and that ministers, specifically the Fine Gael ones, were focused exclusively on PR, ferreting out any possible item of good news that may be in the pipeline and getting it announced ASAP, courtesy of the Strategic Communications Unit, with the maximum fanfare and hoopla.

Continue reading “#2017 and @campaignforleo: not so much a brand new story – more the story of a New Brand”